Feminisation and Paradox:Stratification and Segmentation in Professional Contexts

D A N I E L M U Z I O *
S H A R O N C. B O L T O N **
ABSTRACT
留學生dissertation網(wǎng)The past three decades have been characterised by dramaticlabour-market developments including the mass entry of womeninto formerly exclusively male domains. Professional work isparticularly indicative of this trend where growth in femalemembership has fuelled optimistic predictions of shattered glassceilings and gender equality. This paper seeks to challenge thesepredictions and to explore the associated assumptions linked withthe feminisation of professional work in the United Kingdom. Itwill do this by focusing on two professional groups: law andmanagement which, despite some substantial differences, present acommon and recurrent theme in that they celebrate and sustaina masculine vision of what it is to be a professional. This leads to aseries of paradoxes as the professions are increasingly dependent onthe contribution of their female members, yet women and women’swork continue to be marginalised, downgraded and exploited.Key words: professions; feminisation; gender; vertical stratification;horizontal segregation.
* Lecturer, Department of Organisation, Work and Technology,
Lancaster University Management School
** Reader in Organisational Analysis, Department of Organisation,
Work and Technology, Lancaster University Management School
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INTRODUCTION
The last ten years have been characterised by dramatic developmentsin the labour market. In particular, we have witnessed the mass entryof women into previously exclusively male domains such as thetraditional professions. These developments have led to increasinglyoptimistic predictions with regards to female emancipation andequal opportunities in what has become known as the feminisationthesis. For instance, the legal profession, traditionally a bastion of maleprivilege, provides an effective example of these developments. InEngland and Wales women were altogether excluded from theprofession until the 1920s (Sugarman, 1995) whilst their numbersnever exceeded the 5 per cent mark throughout most of the twentiethcentury. However, today female solicitors, following a sustainedperiod of growth, represent 40 per cent of practicing solicitors(SRU, 2004) whilst providing the absolute majority in the crucialunder-35 age band. Moreover, given that these trends are set tocontinue, the days in which the profession will be (numerically)predominantly female are not that distant. Similar trends are noticeablein other white collar and professional occupations, includingmanagement. Much like law, management was a predominantlymale domain characterised throughout most of the twentieth centuryby extremely low female participation rates. It was only over thelast twenty years or so that this began to change. Today in Britain,women represent over 30 per cent of this occupational category(Wilson, 2005; Chartered Management Institute/RemunerationEconomics, 2004; Office of National Statistics, 2004) compared toless than 20 per cent in the late 1970s (Davidson and Cooper, 1993).Therefore, these two key occupational groups seem to be experiencingsome similar developments as women move into traditionally maledomains.#p#分頁標題#e#
Despite mounting evidence revealing women’s growing numericaldominance in the professions, this paper seeks to challenge thefeminisation thesis by exploring the associated assumptions linkedwith the feminisation of work. It will do this by focusing on twoforms of professionalism: law as a liberal professional occupationand management as an organisational profession (Reed, 1996). Theanalysis is supported by a range of quantitative sources, including:Labour Force Survey (Office of National Statistics, 2004), the Law80 Feminisation and Paradox
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Society Annual Statistical Reports (SRU, 2004), and the NationalManagement Salary Survey (Chartered Management Institute/Remuneration Economics, 2004). These data-sets, which are providedannually by the respective professional associations, were compiledin a database and used to analyse long-term historical trends withregards to the realities of female work within these occupationalsettings. These quantitative findings are integrated with existingliterature and surveys. This contribution focuses on the situation inthe United Kingdom but similar processes are typical of a widerange of western economies, including Ireland.1Law and management, besides sharing an increasing process ofnumerical feminisation, represent two distinct forms of professionalism,thus their comparative analysis may provide some interestinginsights into the relationship between gender and professionalisation.Law represents the archetype of the liberal or traditional professionwhich has recently been confronted by a more hostile institutional,ideological and operational environment; thus, feminisation islinked to the profession’s attempts to develop more profitableorganisational configurations, characterised by better leverageratios and elongated professional hierarchies. Management, onthe other hand, may be conceptualised as an organisational professionwhere increasing numbers of women are seen to bring the necessarypeople skills that are required by commercial success within anew context characterised by female consumer power and afocus on ‘soft skills’ and the extraction of employee commitmentand discretionary effort. Thus, for management, feminisationassumes a functionalist connotation and becomes essential for theprofession’s expansion and for its success within the presenteconomic context.Management and law, therefore, present distinct case studies ofprofessionalisation and different patterns of feminisation. However,despite some important differences, professionalism, whether establishedor emerging, seems, in the context of this analysis, to beunderscored by a persistent process of masculinisation as menmonopolise senior positions and lucrative, high status specialismswhilst women are confined to a lesser, often transient and, ultimately,proletarian role. This, we argue, reflects a gendered code ofprofessionalism that has been forged in historical processes andTHE I R I S H JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT 8104.Feminisation and Paradox.qxd 8/22/2006 2:51 PM Page 81relies on cultural conceptions of masculinity to feed its continualreproduction. In effect, we aim to assert that, whilst the professionsmay indeed become numerically feminised, professionalismremains a male occupational project. Thus the patterns of verticalstratification and horizontal segregation, identified in the followinganalysis, expose a series of paradoxes as feminisation may notrepresent an example of gender equality but may be better explainedby processes of intra-professional subordination, exclusion andexploitation whilst the professions’ attempts to re-organise for thechallenges of the twenty-first century may be paradoxically linkedto the undermining and devaluation of whole areas of professionalactivity.#p#分頁標題#e#
The Professions: Liberal and OrganisationalA great deal of work on the professions has historically beendominated by the attempt to provide universal definitions of whatconstitutes the foundations of professionalism and professionalisation.However, these ‘check list’ type of analyses are increasingly unfashionable.Gerry Hanlon, for example, defines this approach as sterileand laments the ink that has been wasted on semantic nuances(1999); after all, professionalism is not a static concept but ‘theproduct of a dialectical relationship with its environment’ (Hanlon,1999: 3). Accordingly, there has been a progressive tendency(Dingwall et al., 1988; Hanlon, 1999; Brock et al., 1999; Watson,2002) to bracket this whole debate and to simply treat as professionsoccupations which are commonly seen as such. Indeed, recentlythere have been attempts (Fournier, 1999) to treat the idea of professionalismas a ‘responsibilisation’ strategy, used by management toelicit staff commitment and self-regulation. This allows the extensionof the concept of professionalism to include occupations suchas supermarket workers, where appeals to professionalism mightwork as a disciplinary device. It is therefore clear that notions ofprofessionalism are being stretched well beyond their traditionalboundaries and that there is a growing awareness of multiplepatterns of professionalisation. In particular, Mike Reed ina seminal article on the institutionalization of expert labour(1996) distinguishes between a liberal, an organisational and anentrepreneurial form of professionalism.
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This contribution builds on this work by focusing on twooccupations: law and management, which respectively act as examplesof liberal and organisational professionalism, indicate differentpatterns of professionalisation and different levels of professionalaccomplishment. Though representing different professionalprojects, these two occupations present some core aspects of professionalismand are experiencing comparable structural and culturaldevelopments, including a process of feminisation and its associatedpatterns of gender exclusion, subordination and discrimination.Law represents the archetypal model of the liberal profession.It presents the formal traits traditionally associated with professionalism,including an esoteric and systematised body of knowledge,formal training and certification, self-regulation and a publiclyspirited ethos (Millerson, 1964). Furthermore, it has historicallyenjoyed a robust jurisdiction (Abbott, 1988), an effective closureregime (regulation of the production of producers) and a solid gripon professional practice (regulation of the production by producers)(Abel, 1988). Law, given its historical success and high degree ofaccomplishment, has provided an authoritative example for occupationsembarking on professionalisation projects and it has been usedby sociologists as a benchmark of professionalism (Etzioni, 1969;Johnson, 1972).Management fits very well the prototype of the organisational#p#分頁標題#e#
profession (Reed, 1996). Its knowledge-base, despite the developmentof advanced managerial qualifications such as the MBA and DBA,is by nature more local and organisation-specific and less amenableto formalisation, systematisation and ‘black-boxing’. Traditionally,these occupations, which include managers, technicians and administrators,have tried to succeed by occupying key positions in theirorganisational hierarchies. This will feature partial processes ofclosure as well as attempts to extend their knowledge bases tocolonise new areas of organisational activity.Thus respectively, as an example of a liberal and an organisationalprofession, law and management offer a valuable opportunity for comparativeanalysis. These are two very different occupational groupsthat, for various reasons, are at different stages in their respective professionalprojects and have experienced different patterns and degreesof feminisation but which, despite obvious structural differences,THE I R I S H JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT 8304.Feminisation and Paradox.qxd 8/22/2006 2:51 PM Page 83share a core characteristic – that is a masculinisation process which,we argue, is an inherent part of any professionalisation projectregardless of its strategic and tactical orientation. Professionalism,it seems, continues to be rooted in a male cultural project, whichdevalues and marginalises women’s work whilst, paradoxically,relying on increasing female participation for its own expansion andsurvival.The Gendered Code of ProfessionalisationEvery occupation has a gendered code that offers participants bothsymbolic and material resources that guide and shape action, interactionand processes of institutionalisation. Seeing gendered codesas a resource highlights how gender is an active and continuingprocess situated within broader institutional and interactionalarenas. That is, gender is treated not as an adjective but as a verb andin doing so it emphasises that both men and women actively ‘do’gender, sharing the same space and cultural resources (Davies, 1996;Segal, 1987; West and Zimmerman, 1987). It must be emphasisedthat a gendered code is not a singular resource referring to eithermasculine or feminine characteristics but a set of social relationsthat shape lived experiences for both men and women.Moreover, it is necessary to note that different gendered codes donot share the same authority or access to institutionalised arrangements,such as the labour market and the professions. Women, andthe stereotypical gendered code of femininity which is assigned tothem, are often excluded from professional and corporate lifepreciselyhttp://www.400190.com/dissertation_writing/ because the world of ‘work’ is still defined in terms ofmen’s experiences of productive labour (Tancred, 1995). Usinggendered codes as a device it can be seen how the ‘masculinecultural project’ of professionalisation (Davies, 1996) introducespractices, processes and structures that produce control, accountabilityand performativity, but, above all, the exercise of exclusive skill andknowledge in professional practice. Such an emphasis celebratesauthority, individuality, competitiveness and predictability, ensuringthat a very particular gender code dominates and defines what it isto be a professional. Thus, despite gender being a lived process thatis open to continual re-negotiation and change, the masculinecultural project is embedded in the institutionalised structures of the84 Feminisation and Paradox04.Feminisation and Paradox.qxd 8/22/2006 2:51 PM Page 84professions and is self-producing and reinforcing. To attempt tooperate outside of the ‘code’, as the case studies below will show,can be a distinctly uncomfortable experience.The Paradoxical Processes of FeminisationLooking at the gendered code of the professions not only highlightsthe elevation of masculine forms of knowledge and the devaluationof women’s knowledge, but also displays women’s problematicplace within the professions. As the close examination of structuralprocesses within two very different professional projects (law andmanagement) show, gendered codes, despite numerical feminisation,have both symbolic and material consequences.LawIn the legal profession, feminisation is intrinsically bound to patternsof vertical stratification and horizontal segmentation. For instance,women solicitors are more likely to be in salaried supportivepositions, to work part-time, and to work in less lucrative and lowerstatus areas of practice. In a context characterised by mountingfinancial and operational difficulties, a rapidly expanding cohort ofpredominantly female salaried solicitors are generating thesurpluses which support the earnings and privileges of a relativelyprosperous and autonomous elite of predominately male partners.This emerges clearly from the analysis of vertical stratificationpatterns, whereby women account for over 55 per cent of salariedsolicitors but represent only 22 per cent of profit-sharing partners(similar trends emerge from the consideration of Irish data – seeBacik et al., 2003).Furthermore, if we analyse the work of women solicitors, it isclear that they are confined to certain ‘female specialisms’ whichtypically attract lesser terms and conditions. The typical examplewould be family law, which in the anthropomorphic construction ofthe law (Sommerlad and Sanderson, 1998) is instinctively associatedwith the allegedly female traits of empathy, consideration andmediation. Conversely, women play a considerably less significantrole in areas such as corporate and commercial law, which aredefined in terms of ruthlessness, assertiveness and stamina andcordoned off as male preserves. Accordingly, we have a clearTHE I R I S H JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT 8504.Feminisation and Paradox.qxd 8/22/2006 2:51 PM Page 85pattern of horizontal segregation as women do ‘women’s work’whilst being excluded (or induced to exclude themselves) from themore lucrative and prestigious areas of practice.Thus the position of women solicitors is not an unproblematicreflection of their actual skills and career choices (Hakim, 1995) buta response to processes of discrimination and exclusion, which,although allowing the mass entry of women into the legal profession,are responsible for keeping them in a position of subordination. Forinstance, a Law Society (2004a) survey of the employment aspirationsof newly qualified solicitors indicates how women do not electto practice in certain female specialisms (indeed there is minimaldifferences between the aspirations of male and female trainees) butthey are expected to do women’s work by a combination of gendertyping and closure processes. Furthermore, references to choice andhuman capital fail to explain why women, across all age bands, areconsiderably less likely to ‘make partnership’ than men. Forinstance, in 2004, less than 60 per cent of women who havepracticed law for 20–29 years had attained partnership. The relevantfigure for men was almost 80 per cent (Law Society, 2004b).One would assume that after such a period women have indeeddeveloped the same levels of human capital and displayed the samededication to the profession as their male colleagues.The formulation of promotion criteria in terms of financialsuccess, commercial acumen and managerial capability may beresponsible for the slow progression of female solicitors. The seeminglyneutral criterion of ‘rain making’ (the ability to bring inclients) can and does raise additional obstacles for women. Forinstance, much legal business is conducted in stereotypically malearenas, including golf courses, local mason’s clubs, rugby groundsand heavy drinking sessions (Sommerlad, 2002). Women excludethemselves or are excluded from these forums and their maledominated networks, and this may represent a very significanthandicap. Equally, a domestic division of labour where womencontinue to carry the largest burden of nurturing and supportivefunctions may limit their ability to embrace the long hours culture andthe rising billable targets which characterise contemporary legal work.This is again a serious handicap in a profession which often equatesmerit with commitment and measures this in purely quantitative86 Feminisation and Paradox04.Feminisation and Paradox.qxd 8/22/2006 2:51 PM Page 86terms. Thus, the gendered code of the legal profession symbolises amasculine worldview which emphasises a hard-hitting, harddrinkingand hard-playing version of professionalism which in turnmarginalises and downgrades female contributions.We argue that this process is encouraging the emergence of agendered division of labour, as the ascriptive biases and informalcriteria which pervade internal closure regimes tend to reproducepatterns of gender-based discrimination and subordination. Thusa clear paradox follows as patterns of gendered stratificationand segmentation oppress and subordinate the women solicitorswho lie at the very heart of the profession’s emergent strategy ofsurvival.ManagementA similar route of stratification and segregation characterises theinclusion of women managers. Despite continual references to thefeminisation of management – both numerically and ideologically –women occupy the bottom and middle rungs of a managerial careerladder, are often relegated to established ‘female’ specialisms and,therefore, experience lesser terms and conditions of employment.A consideration of National Management #p#分頁標題#e#http://www.400190.com/dissertation_writing/Salary Survey data(Chartered Management Institute/Remuneration Economics, 2004)clearly shows patterns of stratification as women now account for athird of all mangers but that they are overwhelmingly confined tojunior roles and less authoritative positions (a finding which isconsistent with Irish data – see McCarthy, 2004). For example,whilst women, in the UK, constitute 40 per cent of the lowestmanagerial position of section supervisor, they represent only 13per cent of board directors (a finding which is corroborated by themembership records of the Institute of Directors – where women are12 per cent of all members). Furthermore, despite the number ofwomen managers steadily increasing over a number of years, itseems that growth in the most influential managerial positions ofdirector, function head and department head has recently halted andin some cases reversed. The percentage of female directors has, forexample, declined from almost 15 per cent in 2002 to 13 per cent in2004 whilst over a similar period of time the number of functionheads has declined from 20 per cent to 17.5 per cent. This serves toTHE I R I S H JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT 8704.Feminisation and Paradox.qxd 8/22/2006 2:51 PM Page 87demonstrate a clear pattern of stratification whereby women havefailed to undermine men’s monopoly over the control of largecorporations.Vertical stratification in the managerial ranks is accompanied bypatterns of horizontal segregation, as women managers tend topractice what are classified as female specialisms which, as in thecase of the legal profession, offer less pay, prestige and careerpromotion opportunities. The soft, allegedly female skills, such ascommunication, organisation and support, associated with HumanResource Management together with its history as a welfare role,mean that women dominate this particular function (69 per cent)(Chartered Management Institute/Remuneration Economics, 2004).Similarly, women are a growing majority (50.5 per cent) of marketingmangers, and represent almost half (47.5 per cent) of insuranceand pension managers, which is again a specialism which callson the supportive and welfare role associated with women. Inspecialisms which have a strong technical component, such asproduction (5 per cent), research (8 per cent), distribution (8 per cent)and IT (12 per cent), women managers remain a small minority.These patterns of occupational segregation draw upon gendered codesas binary opposites: the association of women with ‘soft’/personalskills and men with hard or technical competences, and at the sametime reinforces and reproduces these fundamental assumptions.Significant in this regard is the low (and recently declining) ratio offemale general mangers (11 per cent), (which incidentally is alsoone of the most remunerative managerial specialisms). This isparticularly important in the context of the generalist character ofBritish management (Ackroyd, 2002), where women appear to beexcluded from one of the principal routes into more seniorpositions.#p#分頁標題#e#
Of course, in numerical terms women managers have made
remarkable progress (Carvel, 2004) whilst being celebrated as the‘new heroes of the business world’ (Brundser, 1999), displayingqualities of trustworthiness and delegation (Saunders, 2000).However, ample qualitative evidence suggests women do not claimto draw from a feminine gendered code and symbolic resources butrefer to themselves in male terms with statements such as ‘I’m stillmy own man’ and adopt male patterns of working and socialising88 Feminisation and Paradox04.Feminisation and Paradox.qxd 8/22/2006 2:51 PM Page 88whilst entirely absenting themselves from any form of domestic roleas either mother or partner (Seenan, 2001; Wajcman, 1998). Thishighlights the central paradox in management’s claims to feminisationas a route to professionalisation. It seems that in order to succeed inthe masculine cultural project of the professionalisation of management,women draw excessively from masculine norms of conductand exceed the cultural norms of managing like a man. However,rather than being deemed as strong and rational, they remainexcluded as a parody of a male manager – a ‘she-male’ (Grant, 1988).Thus, whilst management appears to have embraced ‘feminine’ skillsas a strategic resource to be deployed in its occupational project, itremains far from being feminised; women are expected to ‘managelike a man’ (Wajcman, 1998) whilst gendered segmentationand stratification reveal patterns of exclusion, subordination anddevaluation.
CONCLUSION
An analysis of employment patterns reveals how in today’s labourmarket women are increasingly likely to operate in professional roles.The professions’ expansion is quantitatively dependent on the participationof a growing number of female members whilst, qualitatively,women professionals are seen as contributing a new range of soft skillsand capabilities. Feminisation has to be reframed in an economiccontext, whereby female participation has been linked to increasedprofitability, to the development of new capabilities and to a broadeningcustomer base. Thus, women and women’s ways have become themost recent material and symbolic resource behind the regeneration ofcontemporary professionalisation projects.This situation has been characterised as a win:win scenario asfeminisation is refurbishing traditional professional values andarrangements whilst advancing the cause of gender emancipation.Our analysis challenges such optimistic assessments, revealingpatterns of segmentation and stratification which underlie thefeminised professions. Both the liberal and organisationalprofessions of law and management emphasise how dominantnotions of professionalism are wedded to a masculine gender codewhich celebrates the male values of control, discipline and rationality,THE I R I S H JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT 8904.Feminisation and Paradox.qxd 8/22/2006 2:51 PM Page 89and which sustains a goal-oriented and target-driven approach toprofessional practice. Indeed, this analysis exposes a series ofparadoxes which frame processes of feminisation. Women professionalsare accepted insofar as they bring ‘new’ skills and, morecrucially (given their predominantly salaried status), new surplusesbut they are expected to operate within a gendered occupationalproject which continues to undervalue and marginalise them as‘women’. Thus, whilst there is no doubt that a growing number ofwomen are being included in the previously male domains of lawand management, a different scenario emerges if we consider onwhat terms they are included. In particular, patterns of verticalstratification and horizontal segmentation imply how women’scareers typically unfold along ‘lesser’ pathways and attract fewerrewards and privileges than those traditionally associated withprofessional status.The analysis presented here suggests that the notion of gendercodes, with its symbolic and material dimensions, makes an importantcontribution to the unravelling of processes of feminisation andprofessionalisation. In particular we argue that the equation ofprofessionalism with masculinity results in clearly paradoxicalconsequences: marginalising women’s experiences as professionalsand yet enhancing their inclusion and wide scale deployment asstrategic resources. Rather than witnessing processes of feminisation,we would argue that it is a case of the continuing masculinisationof the professions whereby ‘being professional’ continues tobe closely identified with the acceptance of a male cultural andbehavioural paradigm.1 Here, these trends are if anything even more pronounced. Today, women,having more than doubled since the early 1980s, represent 44 per cent of allsolicitors whilst constituting two-thirds of undergraduate enrolments (Baciket al., 2003). Similarly, according to data from the Central Statistics Office,throughout the 1990s women managers have been growing over three times asquickly as their male counterparts and constituted, on the turn of the newmillennium, approximately a third of this occupational category (see alsoMcCarthy, 2004; Davidson and Burke, 2004).90 Feminisation and Paradox#p#分頁標題#e#
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